Who's next?

The numbers don’t add up regarding these detention centers and concentration camps they are building! Who is next?

There’s something fishy about the new detention centers being built that doesn’t smell right. The numbers just don’t add up, which leads me to suspect they aren’t just about deportation. They’re about building out the infrastructure of repression. They signal what the state can do and whom it can act upon.
Trump has promised to deport millions. To make that seem plausible, he’s ordering new facilities, converting military bases, and expanding enforcement budgets. But the numbers defy the narrative. With roughly 11 million undocumented residents in the U.S., even deporting a million people a year—a pace no administration has achieved—would take over a decade, assuming no new arrivals and no legal setbacks. This isn’t policy. It’s theater.
But that theater leaves a real infrastructure behind.
Facilities built for mass deportation won’t disappear if the plan falters. They’ll remain: beds, fences, biometric systems, mobile courts, transport fleets. These aren’t temporary fixes. They’re material investments in a model of governance built on threat classification and population control. Once in place, the system doesn’t sit idle. It seeks new uses.
And immigration law offers the perfect entry point. Unlike criminal law, it allows detention without trial, removal without a public hearing, and surveillance without probable cause. It operates in a legal gray zone, nominally administrative and functionally punitive, where due process is thinner and discretion broader. That flexibility makes it a powerful tool—not just for immigration enforcement, but for political containment.
Recent purges of immigration judges under the Trump administration make this shift unmistakable. Dozens have been dismissed, forced into early retirement, or replaced with political loyalists. Some were let go without cause, including judges who had ruled independently or resisted pressure to accelerate deportations. The courts themselves are being hollowed out—less a venue for legal review than a formality. When adjudication is subordinated to executive preference, detention becomes not the outcome of law but its substitute.
This isn’t new. The U.S. has repeatedly used immigration law to police ideology and loyalty. Labor organizers, anarchists, and Japanese Americans were all detained or deported not for crimes, but for who they were and what they represented. The machinery doesn’t need to change. It only needs to be turned inward.
Other countries offer a warning. In Turkey, Hungary, and India, detention infrastructure built for terrorists or border control now targets journalists, NGOs, and political opponents. The logic is consistent: first define an external threat, then redefine the internal enemy. The architecture stays the same. The categories shift.
Meanwhile, a growing share of that architecture is privately run. Corporations like CoreCivic, GEO Group, and Palantir aren’t just contractors. They’re stakeholders in a detention economy that profits from expanded enforcement. Surveillance platforms, transport services, biometric databases, and mobile courts operate through public-private partnerships designed for scale and discretion. In this political economy, authoritarianism isn’t just a threat to democracy. It’s a business model.
The economic reality only sharpens the contradiction. The U.S. needs between one and two million new workers annually to replace retirees and meet labor demand. Yet legal immigration pathways cover barely half that. Instead of expanding them, the state pours money into walls and cells. The same system that depends on migrant labor criminalizes the people who provide it. That’s not economic planning. It’s narrative control.
The danger lies not only in what’s being built, but in what it normalizes. Detention centers, mobile tribunals, and enforcement zones don’t just mark the border. They blur the line between legal procedure and executive power. They prepare the state to act not according to law, but according to loyalty.
This isn’t a warning about a distant future. It’s a description of what’s already underway. The infrastructure is operational. The legal framework is pliable. The political incentive to expand it grows with every manufactured crisis.
Daily life may feel untouched. Stores stay open. Screens glow. But the architecture of fear works quietly, adjusting the space in which people move, speak, and imagine what’s possible. Its first targets are vulnerable. Its ultimate targets are anyone who resists.
Every new site, every court bypass, every data-sharing contract is more than a tool of immigration enforcement. It’s a test of capacity, and of consent. Once the system is in place, all it takes is a redefinition of who counts as a threat.
We must not accept this as necessary or normal, it’s not.
James Greenberg

 

They want to build another Alligator Altacraz type facility near me at Ft. Dix, NJ.

Certainly one might wish for a similar effort to house our homeless peoples.

One might also wish for a better approach to border security in our previous administration which opened the floodgates and lied about it.

Let's not forget that 1,881 Italians who were born in Italy and living in the United States, whether US citizens or not were also declared "enemy aliens". 1,521 were arrested.
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We can all remember the deportation of Real Housewives of New Jersey's : Joe Gudice, husband of Teresa. He came to Jersey as a child. He lived and worked here for years without bothering to secure legal residence or file tax returns. Left a trail of fraud & bankruptcy despite being on TV. Was deported back to Italy in 2019. No tears were shed.

One was reminded of the great line in the 1980 movie: "Atlantic City "; where Burt Lancaster sneers: " I don't have a social security number " He was ducking paying his taxes.

Teresa Giudice - Wikipedia

 

The banks want to collapse the Chinese economy, to pay them back for taking their money and, until they get what they want, anything goes. Seriously, the money is doing all the driving worth talking about, and even the UN has conceded There's Nobody In Charge Around Here!

Blame Ronald Reagan if it makes you happy, but complaining that there's never been anyone in charge around here is pointless. There's nobody steering the ship of state, and Donald Duck can do whatever the hell he wants. Ask yourself, how a playground bully has defeated an entire nation, and the simple answer is our Hallowed Halls have sold us all down the river!